Lynne Moldenhauer was born in St. Claire, Michigan in 1952. After high school, she joined the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary and earned a bachelor's degree in religious studies at Marygrove College. Moldenhauer moved to South Carolina and progressively became more aware of her sexuality. She left the religious community and went to work for the SC Department of Probation, Parole, and Pardon Services until she retired in 2010. While living in Columbia, she joined the efforts of the Gay and Lesbian Business Guild and later became one of the founding members of the Alliance for Full Acceptance (AFFA) in Charleston. In the interview, Moldenhauer talks about the multiple actions the Alliance promoted to improve the life of the South Carolina LGBTQ+ people. Some of them included changing the community attitudes, and others aimed to help its members to learn to love themselves. After forty years living in South Carolina, she moved back to Michigan and re-entered her old congregation. Moldenhauer concludes the interview by stating: "AFFA was the birthplace of a lot, and it gave birth to a stronger, better me, more honest me and I think that would be a true story from just about everyone that encountered and engaged with AFFA."
Carolina Angel Mascarin was born in Bogota, Colombia in 1979. She studied journalism at Los Libertadores University. After graduation, Mascarin moved to New Hampshire to continue her studies. Six months later, she relocated to Charleston, South Carolina to work with Azteca America TV. Working in this Hispanic media outlet, she met her husband. The economic crisis of 2008 affected the TV Channel, and she lost her job. She joined the staff of Trident Urban League and started a photography and videography business with her father. In the interview, Mascarin talks about her experiences growing up in Colombia, the challenges of balancing work and motherhood, and how COVID has impacted her family and her business. She also reflects on her identity as an immigrant and her love for her motherland and the USA.
Kevin Scott, Citadel Class of 1990, was born in 1967 in Augusta, Georgia. He was a JROTC student in high school in Mint Hill, just outside Charlotte, North Carolina, and found The Citadel as a natural choice for continuing with an ROTC program. Scott reflects on his time in the institution, where he found stability and a sense of place. Although he knew he was gay from an early age, the school's physical and academic demands left him with little time and energy to explore his sexuality. After graduation, he was concerned about the military homophobic culture and decided to pursue a job with the Charleston Police Department. He was denied the position because of concerns regarding his sexual preferences. The experience deeply hurt Scott, leading him to return to North Carolina to join the Hickory Police Department. In 2003, Scott founded The Citadel GALA (Gay and Lesbian Alliance) with the purpose of providing support to gay cadets. In this interview, Scott remembers a few remarkable events that occurred when he was a cadet such as the Corps of Cadets’ cold welcoming to General Watts when he was named president, a memorable food fight that happened close to Thanksgiving in 1987, and The Citadel making national news because a group of white students harassed an African American freshmen using KKK symbols. At the time of the interview, Scott was living in Washington, D.C. with his partner of sixteen years.
Circular Congregation Church senior pastor Jeremy Rutledge was born in Honolulu, HI, in 1971. When he was five years old, his family moved back to Houston, TX. Rutledge attended Bailey University and then Baptist Theological Seminary in Richmond, VI. After graduation, he returned to Houston and worked in chaplaincy for three years and the following ten as the pastor of a progressive church. In 2012, Rutledge moved with his wife and son to Charleston and became the Circular Church pastor. He recalls that by then, Charleston Area Justice Ministry was taking shape, and the country was shocked by the killing of Trayvon Martin. Rutledge talks about CAJM's organizing model, how white and black congregations came together to build power, and the learning curve necessary for local white progressives to demand accountability to public officials. He remembers the criticism that arose when CAJM demanded action from the Charleston School District Superintendent Nancy McGinley and later when asked for a Charleston Police Department and North Charleston Police Department racial bias audit. Finally, he reflects on the meaningful relationships that have been forge over the years among individuals and congregations thanks to the social justice work.
Erica Cokley was born in 1980 in Columbia, South Carolina. She graduated from Brookland-Cayce High School in 1998 and later studied at Strayer University in Charleston, where she earned an associate degree in business management. In the interview, she discusses how her childhood, her experiences at school, and the challenges she faces as a single mother intersect with her determination to participate in the political arena. Cokley remembers joining Fight for $15 when she was a Taco Bell employee, reflecting on her involvement in community issues and her determination to improve children’s living conditions and opportunities to succeed. In 2019, she formed Voices United, a non-profit organization. In 2020, she organized the Million Womxn’s March in North Charleston and was elected as a Charleston School District board member. Cokley discusses how the tragic deaths of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd brought new urgency to working to stop racial injustices.
Raynique Syas was born in Los Angeles, CA, in 1985. She is a Charleston Area Justice Ministry organizer. She remembers growing up in Watts in a typical urban area of the city impacted by poverty, drugs, and violence. There, she also experienced a profound sense of community and the support of her family strong women. Syas states that it was much later in life that she understood the systemic injustices that plagued her community and affirms it was this awareness that fuels her activism. Syas moved to Charleston looking for better opportunities for her three children but was unprepared for the cultural differences and the racism she encountered in South Carolina. Finally, she talks about why she joined Charleston Area Justice Ministry (CAJM), first as a member and team leader and later as an organizer. She reflects on one of the biggest CAJM efforts, the racial audit of Charleston and North Charleston police departments, and how COVID impacted organizing work.
Whitemarsh Smith III, Charleston native, Citadel alum, and long-time president of the Charleston Branch Pilot’s Association, has an extensive history in the waters of Charleston. In this interview, Smith dives into his experience as a Charleston pilot and provides details of various historical events he has witnessed. As a young man, Smith chose to take the college route and apply to The Citadel rather than head to Vietnam during the war. He graduated from The Citadel in 1966. He recounts his encounters at The Citadel and discusses his time following graduation being in the National Guard, where he witnessed a hospital strike here in Charleston in 1969. Smith details the challenges which came along with his apprenticeship during the process of becoming a Charleston pilot, as they spent the majority of their time on a boat. He gives listeners insight into the day-to-day operations as a Charleston pilot on a cargo ship as well as some of his own unique experiences. This includes experiencing DEA raids of foreign cargo ships, weathering hurricane Hugo, the recovery of the Hunley, and others. At the time of the interview, Smith was 77 years old and was planning his retirement.
Taylor Allred was born in Charleston, South Carolina. He was inspired to join Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) by the Bernie Sanders’ campaign of 2016. In 2018, he joined the Charleston group and was a co-facilitator in applying for the chapter status. He has held several offices, including the chair of the eco-socialist group. Allred states that Charleston DSA members are key players in several relevant regional political issues. Among them challenging the 287(g) agreement between the Charleston Sheriff Office and ICE, Medicaid for all, the relief effort in response to COVID, the Mutual Aid Fund, and housing and environmental justice. He reflects on the impact DSA members are having in the PRO Act campaign. Finally, he discusses the future of DSA and socialist organizing in the South.
Wendy Dallas Damron was born in 1973 in Detroit, Michigan. In 2013, Damron, her husband, and her two children moved to the South Carolina Lowcountry attracted by the area's beauty, warm temperatures, and conservative politics. In the interview, Damron defines herself as Reagan's conservative, talks about her initial enthusiasm with the Tea Party, and remembers her frustration when she realized the movement was unable to change the federal government. She understood the importance of focusing her activism and efforts on local and state government issues. In 2016, Damron attended a Heritage Foundation event and learned about the Convention of the States Project. Since then, she has been working to have it signed in South Carolina becoming the Coastal Region’s captain and legislative liaison. Damron is also a board member of the Palmetto Promise Institute, a South Carolina conservative think tank.
Nick Rubin was born in Anderson, South Carolina, and moved to Charleston, South Carolina in 2005 to attend the College of Charleston. This interview focuses on his political work, particularly his experiences with Occupy Charleston in 2012. Rubin remembers his early experiences with politics opposing the war in Iraq while in high school and later in college with Food Not Bombs. He talks in detail about the Occupy Charleston actions: the 99 hours occupation at Brittlebank Park, the disruption of the campaign events of Michelle Bachmann at the York Town and Rick Santorum at The Citadel, the marches in downtown Charleston, and the occupation of Marion Square that ended with police repression and detention of the activists. Finally, Rubin reflects on the limitations of Occupy's strategies and the legacy of the movement to the current Charleston political landscape.
